By Kinga Torbicka, University of Warsaw.
Introduction
Polish–French relations have been complex and multifaceted throughout the centuries and in recent decades. Despite tensions and differences, both sides have consistently nurtured their relationship, much like in a true friendship. Only after years of efforts, struggles, disputes, misunderstandings, and mutual disappointments does the moment arrive when the value of a partner is recognized and appreciated. After 106 years of official diplomatic relations, a new stage of cooperation between Poland and France is set to be symbolically sealed with the signing of a “Treaty of Friendship” on May 9, 2025, in Nancy, on Europe Day. Friendship treaties play a special role in French foreign policy as a tool for building long-term bilateral ties with key European partners. France has already signed similar treaties with Germany (Élysée Treaty – 1963, Aachen Treaty – 2019), Italy (Quirinal Treaty – 2021), Spain (Barcelona Treaty – 2023), and the United Kingdom (Lancaster House Treaty – 2010, focused mainly on defense and security). The contemporary geopolitical context – the war in Ukraine, a return to great power rivalry, shifting U.S. policy toward Europe, and the unpredictability of decisions by Donald Trump’s administration – makes it clear that both Warsaw and Paris need a « new beginning, » a « new momentum » (as Prime Minister Donald Tusk said), and a « historic agreement » (in the words of President Emmanuel Macron). Today, Poland has become a key strategic partner for France, just as France is for Poland – not only at the state level but also in terms of social and national connections.
A History of « Asymmetry of Feelings »
Bronisław Geremek aptly described Polish–French relations as an « asymmetry of feelings. » For decades, Poland sought recognition and respect from France, often facing disappointment, detachment, or misunderstanding. France, on the other hand, showed periodic interest in Poland but tended to see it as a peripheral country located on the eastern fringes of Europe.
The new treaty will be signed in Nancy – a symbolic place that has long connected the histories of both nations. In 1733, Stanisław Leszczyński became King of Poland, but after the War of the Polish Succession, he lost the throne. Though France attempted to help him regain it, he ultimately returned to France and settled in Nancy as Duke of Lorraine and Bar, where he lived from 1738 to 1766. His daughter Maria married King Louis XV of France and became the mother of future French kings. Leszczyński was also a scholar, writer, translator, and patron of science and culture – a symbol linking Poland and France not only through blood ties but also shared values and intellectual ideals. Polish–French relations fit within the realist paradigm of international relations, in which the state is the central actor. Despite geographic distance, the two countries have forged lasting political, cultural, and social ties. In 1807, Napoleon Bonaparte created the Duchy of Warsaw, rekindling Polish hopes for independence. His romantic involvement with Maria Walewska added a symbolic dimension. In the 19th century, the Great Emigration – including figures such as Chopin, Mickiewicz, and Norwid – strengthened Poland’s intellectual presence in France. During World War I, the Blue Army of General Haller was formed in France (1917).
In the 20th century, one cannot overlook the role of Jerzy Giedroyc and his journal Kultura, the visit of Charles de Gaulle to Poland in 1967, or the founding of the French Civilization Center in Warsaw by Michel Foucault. Despite the challenges of the communist period, France maintained ties with Polish opposition movements and provided humanitarian support (notably through the France–Poland Solidarity Association). In 1989, on the eve of democratic transformation, President François Mitterrand awarded General Wojciech Jaruzelski the Legion of Honour – a politically controversial gesture, but one that symbolized a new chapter in bilateral relations. Two years later, Lech Wałęsa received the same honor.
From Historical Hopes to Strategic Partnership
Diplomatic relations between Poland and France officially began in 1919. In 1921, the first declaration of friendship was signed in Paris, including a military protocol with a mutual assistance clause in case of German aggression. Another milestone was the Treaty of Friendship and Solidarity signed on April 9, 1991, in Paris. This treaty marked a breakthrough, signed during a period of major geopolitical transformation – after the Cold War and the collapse of the Yalta system. It gave new quality to bilateral relations by formalizing a strategic partnership rooted in democratic values, solidarity, and multidimensional cooperation. It had a long-lasting impact on the direction and pace of bilateral relations. Above all, it symbolized Poland’s return to the family of Western democracies and France’s willingness to act as a patron and partner in this historic transition.
Subsequent agreements followed in areas such as internal affairs (1996), defense (2002), culture and education (2004), science and technology (2008), and classified information (2008). Since 2004, regular intergovernmental consultations have taken place. Another important step was the Polish–French Strategic Partnership (2008), which was renewed and updated in 2013. During President Emmanuel Macron’s first official visit to Warsaw in 2020, bilateral relations were reaffirmed through a new cooperation program. This was followed by a visit to Paris by Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki in 2021 and celebrations of the 30th anniversary of the Weimar Triangle. Macron returned to Warsaw in 2024, and bilateral ministerial exchanges – particularly in European affairs, defense, and foreign policy – intensified.
In the 1990s, France adopted the “PECO” concept (Central and Eastern European Countries), viewing Poland as a regional leader. The Weimar Triangle, launched in 1991, aimed to support integration with Western institutions. Not all French politicians were supportive – Valéry Giscard d’Estaing was skeptical of EU enlargement, though François Mitterrand and Jacques Chirac gradually shifted France’s position. Poland joined NATO in 1999. In 2003, it signed the so-called « Letter of Eight, » supporting the U.S. intervention in Iraq, which provoked a harsh reaction from France – Jacques Chirac criticized Poland for its lack of judgment, straining relations. Another source of tension was the Bolkestein Directive and the “Polish plumber” stereotype in French debates on the EU labor market. Nonetheless, cooperation continued. The 2008 strategic partnership was updated in 2013. In 2016, Poland withdrew from the planned purchase of Caracale helicopters manufactured by Airbus France, leading to the cancellation of President François Hollande’s visit to Warsaw – a gesture perceived in Paris as a breach of trust. In 2020, President Macron resumed political dialogue during a visit to Warsaw, which was repeated in 2024 amid intensified ministerial contacts.
Cooperation Despite Differences: Political, Economic, and Cultural Dimensions
Polish–French cooperation spans multiple domains. France is Poland’s fourth-largest export market and fifth-largest source of imports. Poland is France’s 10th-largest trading partner and the largest in Central Europe. In 2016, Polish investments in France reached €660 million, and more than 1,300 companies with French capital operated in Poland. Regional cooperation (e.g., twin cities) and inter-institutional ties are also robust.
In the cultural and educational spheres, relations remain strong. Poland has long been inspired by francophonie. Institutions such as the Institut Français, Alliance Française, and the Center for French Culture and Francophone Studies at the University of Warsaw actively promote the French language and culture. Poland has held observer status in the Organisation internationale de la Francophonie since 1997. Academic exchanges (e.g., PHC Polonium), joint degrees, and scientific cooperation are well established. In France, Polish culture is promoted by the Polish Institute, the Polish Library in Paris, and the Polish Academy of Sciences Research Center.
Conclusion
Does 2025 mark a genuine new chapter in Polish–French relations or just another phase of a traditionally complex partnership? In light of the ongoing war in Ukraine, the redefinition of the international order, and Poland’s presidency of the EU Council, the answer is of strategic significance. The leaders of both countries speak of a partnership built on mutual respect, a shared commitment to European strategic autonomy, and support for Ukraine. France has provided substantial military and humanitarian aid to Ukraine, and the effective delivery of that aid, including training, requires cooperation with Poland. Amid the unpredictability of Donald Trump’s potential return to power, a Polish–French dialogue on security has become essential. As the eastern frontier of NATO and the EU, Poland has increased defense spending (4.7% of GDP in 2024), and France sees this as an opportunity for industrial cooperation, including the Orka submarine program and possibly the construction of a nuclear power plant. The question of extending France’s nuclear umbrella to Central Europe remains unresolved.
Perceptions are also changing. The French increasingly see Poland as an equal strategic partner, while Poles are moving beyond past frustrations. Today’s cooperation is built on complementary needs, shared visions, and a growing sense of responsibility for Europe’s future. As former French ambassador to Poland Pierre Buhler noted, the idea for a new treaty stems from a “need to make up for lost time.” This agreement underscores the importance of renewed mutual understanding and cooperation in confronting the challenges of today’s world – peace, security, and solidarity.
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Kinga Torbicka is Assistant Professor at the Department of Strategic Studies and International Security, Faculty of Political Science and International Studies at the University of Warsaw. Her main areas of research include security in the EU and NATO – geopolitical and military dimensions; comparative analysis of the national security systems of EU countries – particularly the systems of Poland and France; Central and Eastern Europe; and the strategic culture of France and Europe.